One of the numerous fields where French campaign technics lay way behind the US are new media. The new generation of ministers has now its Facebook page and for some of them a Twitter account. But it is often more a way to say “Young people, like me, vote for me, I’m modern” that a real tool they leverage during campaigns.
My internship this summer on Senator Gillibrand’s campaign in New York had given me already some good insights on how to use these tools better in France. And now the new class I am taking in my second year of MPA, called “Media, Politics and Power in the Digital Age” enlightened me even more after barely 2 weeks of classes. This week, we had to read the famous bookf of Clay Shirky, “Here Comes Everybody – The Power of Organizing without Organizations”
Even if I was a little bit overwhelmed by the numerous examples he gives, Shirky shows very well how a real revolution is happening: as Internet is changing the way we communicate and interact with each other, it impacts every layer of the Society. For me it is particularly important given my professional goals to work on campaigns which are by definition community organizing.
He shows how we no longer need the framework of traditional institution or hierarchical organization to come together and act toward common goals. Indeed, thanks to Internet, barriers to creating a group have collapsed. Certain groups could not exist because of high transactions costs (too much paperwork, too much decision time, too many layers of approvals induced by the increased number of people involved in a task) leading, as Ronald Coase developed in 1937 in “The nature of the Firm”, to institutional dilemma where institutions could not support the creation of those groups. Those groups had motivation, energy and talent for action but what they did not have was the ability to coordinate easily. Internet has made it possible. This is indeed a very important step for society as a whole as the belonging to a group is intrinsically part of human nature. The success of Meetup is a telling example. This basic human need was until now constrained. Now these groups can be created without spending a penny, they can develop faster and faster and all of this without necessary management.
Indeed, social tools make groups “ridiculously easy group-forming”
- First, their creation and development can reach unseen speed. For instance, Flickr was the first there during the London bombing of 2005 to post pictures of the events Shirky gives other examples such as the creation of VOTF (Voice of the Faithful) after the 2002 Geoghan scandal about a priest having raped dozens of children. The organization grew from 30 people to 25000 in one year. The “flash mobs“ group category is also representative of the ease and rapidity characterizing the creation of social groups. The case of Belarus in 2006 to protest against a contested election is presented in the book.
- Second, failure is free and therefore risk is minimized and experimentation is fostered. For instance Linux would certainly not have been tempted as part of Microsoft because it would have been too risky and too costly for the institution. Moreover, as Shirky shows and contrary to usual critics of amateurization encouraged by new media, quality can also be ensured thanks to the editing process of “publish then filter” peculiar to user-generated content.
- Third, the Power law of distribution (similar to the concept of Chris Anderson’s long tail) inherent to most social systems allows for very different levels of contributions. For instance, fewer than 2% of Wikipedia users ever contribute to the creation of articles whereas it benefits to several millions of users a day. Also, the examples of Kate Hanni managing to change the legislative agenda after her bad experience with American Airlines or british students making HSBC change back its policy on student loans show that many groups like that can work by having some highly motivated people and a mass of barely motivated ones. In the case of American Airlines, Kate Hanni led all the legislative part whereas all passengers only filled a petition. This is very useful for political campaigns too. You need to lower the entering cost by offering people the possibility to participate a little (so that they come to your campaign not afraid by the amount of work you will give them) while being as a group effective. This is what I also noticed this summer during my internship: we were 25 interns, 2 years before the election, on a Senatorial campaign. You would never see that in the Presidential party in France 6 months before the election. I was impressed. But Shirky’s analysis makes sense here. By asking a little but not too much to volunteers (making calls, posting things on their Facebook page…), you manage to bring them to you and as a whole do some piece of work that the permanent staff would never have time to do and that can be critical for the campaign. As Shirky says, “now the highly motivated people can create a context more easily in which the barely motivated people can be effective without having to become activists themselves.”
That does not mean that new media are magical tools.
- First their qualities can turn into nightmares in certain cases. Take the case of Anthony Wiener and his resignation this summer because of pictures of him posted on Twitter. Those tools can be dangerous especially for politicians. They must be used carefully. Internet makes it also easier for all kind of groups to form, not only the one with social approval (Ex: pro-ana, terrorists, paedophiles….)
- Second, Shirky insists on the fact that digital tools “don’t create collective action – they remove the obstacles to it”. I wonder what he would have said if he had written his book 2 years later after the events of the Arab Spring. At the Personal Democracy Forum (PDF) I went a few weeks ago in New York, Dr. Rasha Abdulla - Associate Professor at the American University in Cairo and author of several books on the new media and the Internet as it relates to political activism - said that the Arab Spring was not an Internet’s revolution, it was the people’s revolution even If it was mainly based on social media. Shirky would have probably agree as he insists in his book on the power of these new tools but at the same time highlighting that social media don’t replace real life action, they help it.
- Third, online movements need strong links to real life in order to achieve concrete results. It’s not how many people you know but how many kinds. You need for instance to be careful, especially in politics to the difference between bonding and bridging capital in the context of small world network. Bonding capital is the “increase in the depth of connections within a relatively homogeneous group” whereas Bridging is the “increase in connections among relatively heterogeneous groups. “Bonding happen within clusters whereas bridging happens between clusters. Getting people to vote for you requires bridging capital. Howard Dean did not understand that and lost the Presidential campaign he was supposed to win easily.
In conclusion, an interesting book even if I would have loved more political examples at times. I would also be interested to know why Facebook is quoted only once or twice? Am I missing something? Anyway, in a world where new media and forms of communication can push a piece of news from not worth covering to breaking news, politicians must be even more careful than before with their relation to the media. Even if these new ways to communicate can be a wonderful tool in organizing and mobilizing people toward noble causes.





























